COMMENTARY

 

Thirty-one years after re-unification under Communist rule:

Vietnam at a crossroads: choose a new path or spend the next 197 years trying to catch up with Singapore

 

The Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP), one of the last few hold-outs of Communism of the Stalinist era, has just gone through its Tenth Congress in Hanoi, a quinquennial ritual to rubber stamp its Politbureau’s choice of candidates for the 3 most crucial political positions in the country: General Secretary, President, and Prime Minister.  The Congress is also an occasion for party members to discuss the action plan for the next 5 years.  Its took place on the eve of the 31st anniversary of the take-over of South Vietnam by northern Communist forces on April 30, 1975.  


While it is a privilege for the party’s 3 million members to attend the Congress, the other 80 million people of Vietnam have no say at all in this much-heralded event.  This archaic practice - - still in use almost 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Communism’s birthplace -- is due to the fact that the absolute power of the Vietnamese Communist Party is enshrined in Article 4 of Vietnam’s constitution.  Sadly, this is also the root of the most serious problems currently faced by Vietnam.

 

According to Transparency International, a non-profit organization dedicated to expose corruption around the world, out of 159 countries assessed in 2005, Vietnam ranks 107th      

on “corruption perception index”, in the same league with such countries as Belarus, Zambia, and Zimbawe.  By comparison, Canada ranks 14th, the U.S. 17th, Taiwan 32nd, Malaysia 39th, South Korea 40th, and Thailand 59th.

 

The findings of the Global Competitiveness Report, 2005-2006, published by the World Economic Forum, show that Vietnam is still mired in burdensome bureaucracy and corruption.  For example, out of 117 countries surveyed, Vietnam it ranks near the bottom, at 111th, among the most corrupt countries in the world. 

 

There are other indicators which point to bothersome political, social, and business environments, for example:

 

-     Freedom of the press: 104th.

-         Irregular payments in tax collection: 114th

-         Irregular payments in exports and imports: 113th

-         Burden of government regulation: 102nd

-         Irregular payments in judicial decisions: 100th

 

The U.S. State Department, in its report released on March 8, 2006 on  human rights practices in Vietnam, identifies numerous problems, including:

-         Inability of citizens to change their government

-         Police abuse of suspects during arrest, detention, and interrogation

-         Harsh prison conditions

-         Arbitrary detention or restriction of the movement of persons for peaceful expression of political and religious views

-         Denial of the right to fair and expeditious trials

-         Imprisonment of persons for political and religious activities

-         Limited privacy rights

-         Restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association

-         Restrictions on religious freedom

-         Restrictions on freedom of movement

-          Limitations on worker rights.

Given the above situation, it’s no wonder why Vietnam is still very backwards compared to its non-Communist neighbours.  Tien Phong Online, a government-sanctioned, web-based, newspaper quoted Il Houng Lee, IMF’s chief in Vietnam, as saying that it would take Vietnam 18 years to catch up with Indonesia, 34 years with Thailand, and 197 years with Singapore. 

The VCP’s Tenth Congress was opened amid a major scandal involving a government agency -- the notorious Project Management Unit 18 (PMU18) -- in which Transport Minister Dao Dinh Binh resigned and his Deputy Nguyen Viet Tien was arrested for alleged involvement in an embezzlement of some 7 million dollars in funds for roads and bridges for use in a soccer betting ring.  In the meantime, the World Bank announced that it would investigate this affair to determine whether any of its development funds allocated to Vietnam was involved.

Just as the final preparations of the Congress were being put together, a political bombshell exploded in Vietnam: the release of Manifesto 2006, a historical document signed by 118 democracy activists across the country calling for no less than VCP’s demise for the sake of the Vietnamese people. 

Despite the danger of persecution and imprisonment by the Vietnamese Communist authorities, for the fist time in Vietnam’s modern history, a group of citizens felt compelled enough to dare challenge the party which has held maintained a firm grip on power for over 60 years, ever since it stepped into the political vacuum in Vietnam at the end of the Second World War to impose itself on the Vietnamese people.

After providing a succinct and accurate analysis of the political developments in Vietnam since the advent of the Communist rule, Manifesto 2006 concludes that the Vietnamese people can only enjoy democracy and freedom if the current political regime is changed in a fundamental way, from a monolithic, one-party, non-competitive system to a pluralistic, multi-party system with healthy competition in which there is a clear separation of powers among the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial branches of the government.  Specifically, its authors call for the restoration of the following fundamental rights to the Vietnamese people:

-         Freedom of information and opinion;

-         Freedom to assemble, form associations, political parties, vote, and stand for election;

-         Freedom to participate in independent labour unions and in legitimate strikes; and

-         Freedom of religion.

Given the pent-up frustrations of the majority of the Vietnamese population over  the widespread curruption, the ever widening gap between the rich Party elite and the poor masses, and the Communists’continuing use of empty rhetoric to drum up their strategy of running “a market economy with socialist orientation guided by Uncle Ho’s thoughts”, Manifesto 2006 is seen inVietnam, and among the members of its 3-million diaspora, as a ray of hope.  It reminds people of Charter 77 which led to the Velvet Revolution and the demise of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1989. 

Who knows, Manifesto 2006 may well lead to a Bamboo Revolution which finally brings democracy and freedom to Vietnam at long last.  If this happens,  Vietnam won’t need to spend the next 197 years to try to catch up with Singapore.  The race would then be much closer.

 

Le Duy Can is a former President of the Vietnamese Canadian Federation.

 

 Readers are encouraged to sign the petitions in support of the 118 Vietnamese citizens, Manifesto 2006.    Links in  Vietnamese and English are at  the right side of this page.